The air is thick with the scent of cempasúchil (marigolds) and burning copal. Vibrant papel picado banners flutter in the breeze, and altars burst with offerings of food, drink, and personal mementos. Día de los Muertos, or Day of the Dead, is a Mexican festival that, on the surface, appears to be a joyful celebration of life and remembrance of the departed. It’s a stark contrast to the somber tones often associated with death in Western cultures, and a world away from the quiet contemplation of a Te Puke sunset.
But beneath the vivid colours and festive atmosphere, there are profound anthropological and psychological layers at play, particularly when viewed through the lens of René Girard’s mimetic theory and the fascinating insights from discussions at academic gatherings like the Spirit Possession conference held at Auckland University.
From a Girardian perspective, human societies are perpetually susceptible to “mimetic desire”—our desires are often imitations of others’ desires, leading to rivalry and potential social breakdown. Ancient cultures frequently managed this internal tension through “sacred violence,” where a community united against a designated scapegoat, whose sacrifice was believed to restore peace and order. This mechanism created a temporary, fragile unity.
Día de los Muertos, while not a violent ritual, can be seen as an evolved, non-violent, and highly sophisticated cultural mechanism for managing communal anxieties around death, memory, and social cohesion. Instead of expelling a scapegoat, the festival invites the “other”—the dead—back into the community’s embrace. The elaborate altars (ofrendas) are not just tributes; they are invitations, a way of saying, “You are still part of us, even in death.” This collective, ritualized remembrance and welcoming prevents the deceased from becoming a source of unmanaged fear or fragmented grief that could lead to social disorder.
Consider the “spirit possession” phenomenon, often discussed in conferences like those at Auckland University. In many cultures, spirit possession serves as a powerful, albeit sometimes unsettling, means of communication between the living and the dead, or between individuals and communal anxieties. It can be a way to address unresolved issues, express grief, or even to challenge social norms. While Día de los Muertos doesn’t typically involve literal spirit possession in the same way, the symbolic act of inviting the spirits home, offering them their favourite foods, and telling their stories, functions as a form of communal “possession” by memory and love. The dead metaphorically “possess” the living space, not to cause distress, but to foster continuity and connection.
The festival also provides a sanctioned outlet for collective emotion. The elaborate costumes, the calaveras (sugar skulls), and the playful depictions of death all serve to desensitize the fear, to make the otherwise terrifying “otherness” of death approachable and even endearing. This collective engagement diffuses individual anxieties, uniting the community in a shared, structured experience of grief and joy. It’s a remarkably healthy inversion of the scapegoat mechanism: instead of expelling what is feared, they embrace and integrate it, transforming potential social ruptures into communal celebration.
So, while we may be thousands of miles away here in Te Puke, the Day of the Dead offers a fascinating glimpse into how different cultures navigate the universal human experience of death. It reminds us that our rituals, whether they involve quiet reflection or vibrant festivities, are powerful tools for building community, processing loss, and, perhaps, for continually moving beyond the ancient human impulse towards sacred violence by embracing rather than expelling what we fear. It’s a vibrant, profound lesson in collective healing and enduring love.
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